Sally D’Angelo


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Sally D’Angelo

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These contests over the framing of the past in the public sphere we refer to as public history. To analyze and understand these contests over the presentations of pastness in museums, heritage sites, memorials, exhibitions, festivals, and tourist routes, one must not see them as prior to history, nor as after history, but rather as historical practices within different genres characterized by different sociologies and modalities of historical production.

We also draw on the methodologies of David William Cohen, sometimes with his collaborator, E. Atieno Odhiambo, much of it framed around the production of history in postcolonial Kenya.

In undertaking these histories of public pasts from the vantage point of critical public history it is not just the textuality but also the visuality of their making that matters.

Visual pasts have conventionally been composed as revelations and telling, cast into a framework of exposure, witnessing, and seeing.

But, more than simply making history visible, public historical practice works with an understanding of visuality, of histories produced through their own constitutive visual codes: through curatorship, scripting, dramaturgical devices, visual languages, the choreography of oral and literate traditions, spatial design, and ritual performance.

This is not only a history to be seen but a history whose meanings are made through visual construction. Inherent in the TRC hearings was their visualness.

A visual past was composed as revelations and tellings cast into a framework of exposure, witnessing, and seeing. To look directly through the window of the television screen, even momentarily, coded the hearings into an ocular field, as the basis for remaking the real world of apartheid.

Left with a context that things had gotten better after the end of apartheid, the visual rendering of a troubled past was offered by the TRC as a unique opportunity to find the truth about history.

This is the only way in which a public can become an actor. The political contests over who has the right to speak for whom are the inevitable result of the emergence of new communities that make claims on museums.

This is how publics are created. This is a critical citizenship in which expertise is decentered and relocated into the project and deliberately outside the academy.

Public history means engaging in practice. And from this practice, the historians are not simply there to teach and to research as if in the field.

Instead, they learn, they see, they connect, and they participate in the give and take of textual and visual knowledge, open to being surprised, and careful not to impose their academic rituals and methodologies.

Expert knowledge gets taken up, reformed, reduced, and narrowed and is never taken for granted. Now this expertise is deployed for a new purpose as it gets accepted and included, as it becomes the basis of the heritage represented, for instance, in Heritage Impact Assessments.

In other instances it is questioned, rejected, and appropriated and redeployed. There is no one way trickle-down process, but rather multiple knowledge routes and journeys that can disrupt the conventions.

Usually represented as a moment for inclusion, recovery, and democratic rectification this temporal and conceptual marker has seen a number of fundamental transformations in the order of knowledge: from the academy to the public; from popular history to public history; from history-as-lesson to history-as-forum.

This is a book about the relationship between expertise and public knowledge and shows how the conventions of knowledge flows have been affirmed, utilized, contested, and subverted.

Simultaneously, we want to embark upon another journey to try and understand the agencies of image-making and memory production. They were also not conduits for the reversal of amnesia.

In writing about those histories of unsettlement in this book, we have sought to think about those methodologies of replacement and how the processes of unsettling confronted its limits.

When history as unsettling became one of accumulation, addition, and correction it settled back into its well-rehearsed temporalities.

But when the practices of history itself were laid bare, and the processes of history-making were called into question, the frames of public history generated possibilities to unsettle an always anticipated past.

We have mapped this narrative quite conventionally in a chronological sequence, staking claims along the way for and within history.

This was part of the exaggerated claim that South African history had effectively been decolonized prior to The second chapter of this book, an extended version of an article that Minkley and Rassool wrote on oral history practice in South Africa, questions this position.

It is one of the great ironies in South African written history that it employed oral histories within a recuperative paradigm and mined oral communities for a set of literate facts.

Working on images of white settler nationalism that were created in the s and sustained for almost the next forty years, we sought to show how the figure of the commander of the Dutch East India Company revictualling station at the Cape of Good Hope between and , Jan van Riebeeck, became iconic.

In this present a settler history was created that had to exclude racialized pasts. Here a key point was that the oppositional images were mainly mirror images of the dominant ones and thus, almost inadvertently, helped to sustain them.

The thinking that derived from these pieces was brought to bear on our analysis of the ways that histories were emerging in museums and tourism narratives in the s.

We argued that there were few signs of a historical rupture. An anticipated postapartheid South African future for history was through inclusion largely articulated in racialized, class, and gendered categories.

The visit to the cultural locality was presented as a way to know oneself and to learn about the other and so become a nation.

Acts of visiting, looking, taking in and learning in tourist contemplation and celebration were encouraged as part of the process of nation-making. Older museums have undergone refurbishments and about fifty new museums have been established in South Africa since In chapter 5 of this book, we turn to look at strategies that older museums used in order to re-create themselves and the tentative beginnings of new museums.

But this was not always the case and, as we elucidate in the book, there were several exhibitions that experimented with forms of representation that envisaged a more questioning and critical public citizenry.

A great deal of this was through rethinking visual strategies, and we highlight several of these methodologies, asserting that exhibition designers were in effect historians through their spatial productions of meanings and interpretations.

Much of this thinking on the making of the visual is presented by Minkley and Rassool in chapter 6 that is about the photographs of Leon Levson from the collection of the UWC-Robben Island Museum Mayibuye Archive.

In this chapter, Minkley and Rassool are concerned with how these photographs had taken upon the aura of an unmediated, transparent truth of social conditions under apartheid.

They show instead how in their production and circulation over five or six decades, these photographs had been given meanings that indeed contradicted their framings in postapartheid exhibitions and the collection itself.

The image does not simply record a usage. The TRC was the threshold for the remembrance of apartheid, in the expanded sense of the gaze.

Envisaged as a means of making symbolic, rather than monetary, reparations to people whom the TRC determined to be victims of apartheid, these took the form of monuments, legacy projects, street renaming, memorial parks, museum exhibitions, and archival holdings.

Our article on the TRC published in an edited collection in the late s, when proposals for these various memorial projects were being tabled, considered the various methodologies and how they were being aligned with developing heritage practices.

Not only at the time were notions of racial reconciliation at the forefront of these heritage projects, but they were situated within a positivist view of history as objective, balanced, and factual.

It was through history as a mode of recovery that a memorial past was visualized as emerging from the workings and findings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

Such an approach reproduced both the add-on methodology that was evident in museums and treated history as a salvage operation that would contribute to restoring a racial equilibrium.

In chapter 7 we look at plans for these commemorations and suggest that the approach adopted left in place the very structures of race it sought to destabilize.

In the commemorations there was a reading back of racial categories as firm and ahistorical. Our chapter considers what it might have meant for the commemorations if the organizers had begun to think through the fluidity of race.

Written in the present tense, when the commemorations were beginning to take place, this chapter also points to our engagement as critical heritage practitioners seeking not merely to question prevailing discourses but to be actively involved in finding ways to open up routes to new public pasts.

Those operations were most evident in our work on and with museums that have the appellation of community institutions: the District Six and Lwandle Migrant Labour museums in Cape Town and the Cata Museum in the Eastern Cape.

Such strategies appeared as distinct from older museum classificatory, collecting, and display strategies that had relied on the aura of artefact.

Orality and visuality were utilized in these newer museums to constitute new subjects of history with voice and agency.

The spectacle of presentation sustained claims to inclusivity within the bounds of national histories that were conceived of as new.

Academic disciplines were invoked on an extensive scale to author and authorize pasts as heritage. The imbrications of power set in place hierarchies of heritage production such that even when critical or dissonant views appeared they largely reproduced existing relations of knowledge.

More than anything this book is about the practices of history in the academy and in public spaces as both have been remade. Most often it is cited in its shortened version that appeared in Negotiating the Past in , or else reference is made to an extended unpublished version that was initially presented at the conference of the International Oral History Association in New York in and then at the Centre for African Studies, University of Cape Town in While Bickford-Smith et al.

Indeed we were at pains to elucidate its extent, substance, and worth and pointed to practices that we felt had pushed the envelope when coming to notions of orality, textuality, and the ways that translation, performance, and authority had been considered as part of how oral histories had been conceived and produced.

This points to the key argument that we made. Instead of seeing oral history as a methodology it was crucial to envisage it as a genre of historical production, a history itself.

Thus, instead of mining it as a source for facts and tales of experiences that could be evaluated much like any other source, it is important to understand the processes by which oral histories came to be made.

As we hear, see, imagine and empathize with others, we can contribute to altering attitudes, perceptions and policy. Azwihangwisi Netshikulwe and Sizeka Mbewu interviewing Tom Kula, Lwandle Migrant Labour Museum, Hostel 33, 10 November Former hostel dweller, Tom Kula, Lwandle, 10 November Storyteller and guide, Joe Schaffers, District Six Museum, 8 April These separate events, on very different scales and in settings quite removed from each other, starkly raised the issues of the relationship between individual testimony, evidence, and historical memory and public history in newly emergent ways.

It was concerned to document these as part of the process of remaking collective memory of the past on an inclusive and national scale.

Built upon the deep layering of oral testimony as biography, it was concerned with the cultural and social meanings of memory and its pasts.

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission, on the other hand, was concerned with a politics of memory in which the past is uncovered for the purposes of political reconciliation in the present.

The two processes, though seemingly unrelated, are not quite as much at odds as they might seem. The Seed Is Mine publicly placed the social experience of black rural lives into a collective memory of cultural osmosis, interaction, and reconciliation.

The TRC dealt with the telling of individual memory that taken collectively aimed to achieve a similar outcome. Both raised a similar set of questions about how historical and personal memory have been, and largely continue to be, approached in South Africa.

Both the book and the official body rely primarily on personal memory to counter official and documentary black holes. This chapter begins by exploring the notion of submerged memory in South Africa.

Social historians have seen their work as characterized by the attempt to give voice to the experience of previously marginal groups and to recover the agency of ordinary people.

They were seen to be able to create an archive for the future and an alternative form of historical documentation. We wish to raise questions about these claims and assertions in three ways: firstly in terms of the chronologies, periodizations, and narratives of social history; secondly in relation to the domination versus resistance model it has employed; and thirdly around the practices and processes of the authoring and translation of memory through oral text into history.

Our discussion of the translation of personal memory into collective remembering is broadened by looking at the uses of oral history in the story of Kas Maine.

We do this from the experiences and insights generated within oral history projects in the Western Cape after the heady years of confrontation and resistance in the s.

Finally we return to the TRC and, in particular, its media representations in order to extend an argument about the limits of social history and its problematic translations into constituting new publics.

At the center of these historiographical turns, oral historical practice was seen as having pride of place in the generation of histories that sought authentic voices, attempted to recover the agency of ordinary people, and saw itself as infusing popular discourses into South African history.

Much of this work had been generated through the institutional efforts of the History Workshop at the University of the Witwatersrand, located in the industrial heartland of South Africa, the hub of a resurgent labor movement in the s and s.

This had taken place, La Hausse argued, in a number of identifiable settings, ranging from the Institute of African Studies at Wits University, to the South African Institute of Race Relations, the Natal Worker History Project, and the Cape Town Oral History project.

In a society where interviewing can be potentially hazardous for both interviewer and informant, the conditions under which interviews are being conducted are seldom indicated in research.

Rather, the resultant translation of words into things guts the facts narrated from the narrative web in which they are embedded or enmeshed while presenting them as unrehearsed speech, as authentic, immediate, and real experience.

It was responsible for the production of three popular histories, written by Luli Callinicos, 17 as well as a series of articles for the weekly newspaper New Nation, published later as a collection, New Nation, New History.

Through a connection with the American Social History Project, it also explored other media forms for historical production, and this resulted in a slide-tape production on squatter movements in Soweto, called Fight Where We Stand.

The History Workshop was also responsible for the production of a six-part documentary entitled Soweto: A History.

While Fight Where We Stand used actual transcripts, it consisted of the motionless images and projected voices of actors. The video series consisted of a series of extracts from interviews with participants who conveyed their personal experiences.

South African engagement with social history in the s had taken the form of two unfolding narratives, one academic, based on culturalist notions of class and consciousness, and the other, popular, located within the cultural politics of nationalism.

These were parallel and compatible resistance narratives that mirrored a debate on the left around unions, communities, and politics. The compatibility of these narratives was demonstrated by the publication of Write Your Own History, written by Leslie Witz and produced in under the auspices of the History Workshop and SACHED, perhaps the leading service organization involved in alternative education at the time.

In its presentation and construction of a relationship and dialogue between critical history and political activism, it promoted history as process.

Bringing the two resistance narratives together, the book relied on constructing identities through the mobilization of an implicit politics of memory that assumed fixed practices of oral signification.

Collective memories were analogous to the remembrances of individuals, linked by the group experiences of race and class in communities and shared by the ideal memory and identity of these individuals.

Multiple individual voices equalled collective memory and represented collective identity. Furthermore, both tend to consider oral history in a rather utilitarian way as lesson, as source, as authentic voice.

Speaking Back From the early s, oral history conceived as a democratic practice of social and popular history in South Africa began to come under stress.

What was called into question were claims of its decolonization and its assumption of inherent radicalism and transformatory intent, in both method and content, predicated on its apparent access to the consciousness of experience.

In particular the work of Carolyn Hamilton and Isabel Hofmeyr stand out in this regard. The challenge was both theoretical and methodological. It must be said that this was not happening on a wide scale.

Some of what we are identifying occurred momentarily, and to refer to these as major new trends may be too strong. But the questions that were asked here, and elsewhere, are pivotal, and the challenges posed require wider discussion and consideration for the theory and practice of oral history in South Africa.

The major research areas of the social history approach in South Africa continued to be the primary focus in the Western Cape as well. This has meant that historical attention has remained focused on local communities; on histories of organizations, particularly those seen as resistance organizations; and finally on life histories.

All have drawn directly on both invoking and evoking experience. Alongside this, research has begun to challenge some of the tired, neat formulae and model frameworks of history as resistance, as lesson, and as mobilizing tool.

Increasingly, these new oral transcripts and their translation into historical narratives began, both consciously and often inadvertently, to unravel the constructions of resistance that were pervasive in the local historiography.

What is being found in these newer studies is the realization that, in even more complex ways than has previously been the rule in new social history, apartheid did not always produce resistance, and that resistance was not always occasioned by apartheid.

Rather, alongside difference and inequality lie more subtle forms of economic, cultural, and intellectual exchange integrally tied to the layers in which past and present are negotiated through memory, tradition, and history, both written and oral.

Equally importantly is the sense in which the periodizations of resistance have begun to alter, fragmenting the overall nationalist narrative as no longer one containing incremental modes negotiating modernity.

Where South African history has previously seen organized, class-based, or community-rooted resistance and triumph, local historians have been forced to listen to, and converse with, multiple identities and cross-cutting tracks of historical knowledge.

Rich and complex histories have been written that do not easily romanticize and essentialize the past through a simple dichotomy between apartheid and resistance.

The story of Kas Maine does offer major new insights, drawn from detailed examinations of the black family, the sharecropping economy, and the gradual erosions caused by the encroaching tide of capitalism, and virulent forms of racism and complex paternalistic relations.

The ways that Kas Maine used memory as a resource, a storehouse of oral knowledge about prices, markets, contracts, and agreements, and about weather, movement, and family, is highlighted.

Van Onselen appears less concerned with how this tells its own story of remembrance, forgetting, and narrativity, as with a continuing conventional approach to memory to generate evidence of experience.

Anyone wishing to come to terms with popular consciousness and the role it plays in political behaviour would do well to pay close attention to words and stories, granting them an independence that is not inevitably yoked to a material base.

Oral history becomes a source, not a complex of historical narratives whose form is not fixed. In South African social history, where agency retains a coherence and confrontational status, these uniform collectivities continue to be constructed as primarily ones of class.

The first concerns the dialogue between individual and collective memory. If, as in South African historiography, collective memory is seen as the collective meanings that belong to the political field, individual memory is also seen to be primarily part of this field as it makes sense of historical details in direct relation to political legitimacy.

This field is configured by the literate racial and class worlds of the modern South African state and its equally literate and modernist oppositions.

This is left to history and the written word. The individual is inscribed into this collective memory as resister, or a variant thereof. Oral history has been less conversational narrative and more dramatic monologue that binds, affirms, and entrenches the collective memory of this history.

This has meant that oral messages, public meetings, and spoken words mark the modern paths of state and society development in South Africa in very important respects, as both Hofmeyr and Hamilton show.

As significantly there has also been a converse failure to see the way that the written archive is literally full of oral history and always has been.

The ways in which the documents of these archives reflect the writing down and institutionalization of oral literacy and historical forms needs to be confronted and explored.

As Nicky Rousseau has argued: Despite the fact that white radical historians for the most part are completely reliant on translation or on documents that themselves have gone through multiple processes of translation, they have clung to an approach that suggests that language houses meaning in an apparently neutral and transparent way.

But it also held the tension between its staging its mathematics, drawing on Hofmeyr and its unrecognized acts or grammars in play. And they were visible in the subsequent media engagement with the TRC, which forms our focus in this final section.

Initially we wish to make a crucial distinction between the actual events of the hearings themselves textual and our focus, which is narrowed to the dominant textual meanings constituted in different media about the past.

These engagements are also situated outside of the site of the university, and the stories told seem to fall outside the explicit parameters of an evidentiary research paradigm originating from this institutional site of history, and thus outside of social history directives.

Seen as a space of historical possibilities, these oral histories are about the relationship between individual lives and the contexts in which they unfold, rather than simply about informing an already present context.

These write over the possible other narratives of human connections. Out of ordinary voices, the past will become known, the real story told.

In other words, the view of history is one that relies on realist, objective, and positivist interpretations of the hearings as proof of a hidden history.

The use of story, as invoked in the media, is set against history. History remains a process of documenting, translating, checking, and interpreting the stories or tales.

This can be seen in who tells stories and who does not. Writing and the production of written texts is the represented language of authority, despite the mass of words spoken, translated, and interrogated.

Fourthly, the complex set of concerns around translation equally demonstrates media processes of writing over narratives and words.

This is the case not just in the dominant language translations that take place into English, but in the whole set of translations allowing for the reading of evidence and stories in particular ways.

As Michele Barrett and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak have differently pointed out, the politics of translation takes on a massive life of its own if you see language as the process of meaning-construction and not simply as transferals of transparent bodies of meaning.

Fifthly, media representations have dramatic implications for the gendering of the past. For women, though, the stories they tell are given meaning in the media around stasis, reproduction, nostalgia, emotion, aesthetics, the body.

Quite clearly we are highlighting certain aspects at the expense of others here. These can be read as the loops of silence giving form to and between sentences and narratives.

Here these narratives of the past, these histories are reduced, hidden, evaded into innocence, tradition, orality, storytelling, emotions, performance, and fiction.

The media no longer speak in the more narrow language of the TRC; they talk about the whole past now becoming known. But the TRC, read differently, also shows the loops of silence in social history itself in relation to other narratives and representations of pastness, and in relation to words.

The particular silence of content and context has been too readily taken to stand for the whole, one seen in opposition to the other. What occurs is the construction of experience along an axis of representation that is profoundly contaminated by the meanings of social history.

This chapter has suggested ways of questioning this dominant authority in the works of social history and in the media representations of the past drawn from the TRC.

In both, we argue that words may be heard but not listened to. The remembrance of words an aspect of collective memory is reduced to national things, and the words of remembrance translated into the worlds of History.

Olive Schreiner, a young South African writing more than a century ago, offers a conclusion worthy of remembrance: Human life may be painted according to two methods.

There is the stage method. There is a sense of satisfaction in this, and of completeness. Here nothing can be prophesied. There is a strange coming and going of feet.

Men appear, act and re-act upon each other, and pass away. When the crises comes the man who would fit it does not return. When the curtain falls no one is ready.

When the footlights are brightest they are blown out; and what the name of the play is no one knows. If there sits a spectator who knows, he sits so high that the players in the gaslight cannot hear his breathing.

Life may be painted according to either method; but the methods are different. The canons of criticism that bear upon the one cut cruelly upon the other.

The question mark in the cleverly crafted ambivalent conference title suggested a structural presence in meaning and materiality and opened up debates about possible endings, replacements, and reconfigurations of history.

This was not the result of an Afrikaner Nationalist conspiracy but arose out of attempts to create a settler nationalist ideology. For both, Van Riebeeck represented the spirit of apartheid and the originator of white domination.

More than any other of the chapters in this book, this one has a much more empirical approach to public history, detailing processes, events, individuals, organizations, and contestations in and of the Van Riebeeck Tercentenary Festival.

The chapter is not about everyday life or the experience of history from below, but about how histories in the public domain were constructed.

We write about the genres of historical production such as the press report, the moving pageant, the festival fair, the boycott, and the public meeting, how these were constituted and how they were constituting histories.

As indicated above, what this brought into question was a determining framework of South African history built around domination and resistance that left the event of settlement as foundational.

Jan and Maria van Riebeeck, Adderley Street, Cape Town, 8 November Inverted Jan van Riebeeck, District Six Museum, 26 November Jordan of the Unity Movement, gave a graphic description, in Xhosa, of a history of repression and state violence and warned of the dangers of participating.

Can we celebrate our enslavement? Perspectives supportive of the political project of white domination created and perpetuate the Van Riebeeck icon as the bearer of civilization to the subcontinent and its source of history.

Opponents of racial oppression have portrayed Van Riebeeck as public history enemy number one of the South African national past. The festival was about more than the landing, the settlement, and the attributes of Van Riebeeck.

Here was an attempt to display the growing power of the apartheid state and to assert its confidence. In so doing, the festival raised fundamental questions about the construction and composition of the South African nation, what constituted a national history, and the icons and symbols of that history.

The Groot Trek Eeufees [Great Trek Centenary Festival] had served to mobilize Afrikaans-speaking whites as members of the Afrikaner nation, with its exclusive sacred traditions and history.

The tenuous victory of , coupled with the limited framework of political support afforded by Afrikaner nationalism, required the power base of the state to be broadened.

While at times this came into conflict with the narrower Afrikaner nationalist agenda, the foregrounding of Jan van Riebeeck in the festival was central to the broader political scheme.

Van Riebeeck was the symbol, not of the Afrikaner nation, as argued by Shamil Jeppie and Albert Grundlingh, but of white rule as a whole, and Cape Town was promoted as the founding city of the white nation.

The late s had seen the growth of the Non-European Unity Movement, the emergence of a more militant African National Congress, the rise of squatter movements, and ongoing attempts by the Communist Party to extend its support.

These movements presented a challenge to an exclusive conception of the nation, racial domination, and unfolding apartheid legislation.

In response the South African state began to ban people and organizations and to propagate its own image of the nation. The Van Riebeeck festival was a presentation of the settler image of the nation on a massive public scale.

Africans were recipients of civilization and under the tutelage of whites. Here was a public arena in which white settler domination could be constructed and displayed with untrammelled vulgarity; and it was Van Riebeeck who was made to embody this supremacy.

By the s, South African had a weak national history. Historical figures were not accorded national prominence, events were not recorded as national South African milestones, and there was no historical progression toward the accomplishment of nationhood.

Building blocks for this national history had already taken some shape through Afrikaner nationalist histories, in which movements, processes, and the accomplishments of the ordinary people were highlighted.

Though the Voortrekker centenary celebrations of certainly started at the foot of the Van Riebeeck statue in Cape Town, he was not portrayed as the founding father.

Except for intermittent moments of small-scale ceremonies, confined to isolated venues, the landing was barely commemorated.

Despite these annual offerings, F. It was only after the Second World War that Van Riebeeck acquired the singular, almost unanimous, symbolism of white settler power.

Based on many of the building blocks derived from previous usages, Van Riebeeck was qualitatively transformed from a person involved in historical processes to an icon of national history.

When the Cape Town City Council took over the flower laying ceremony, the commemoration acquired official status with representatives from Afrikaans, Dutch, and English organizations participating.

In the immediate aftermath of the nationalist victory in , this committee identified the need to broaden its base to include the administrators of the provinces; Professor T.

Davie, the principal of UCT; G. Initiatives were set in motion to establish a central executive committee and a special Cape Town committee to oversee the construction of the festival.

It symbolises the efforts and glories of the past and the hopes of a future generation of a united South African nation. Thirty subcommittees, with specific responsibilities, were established to plan this public historical extravaganza.

Administrative committees dealt with finance, publicity, and accommodation. The content of particular events was dealt with by the art, culture, industry, and sports committees.

Certain committees focused on the participation by women and youth. A separate subcommittee, headed by I. Schoeman, crafted bows and arrows in the gaze of thousands of onlookers.

Indeed, the festival fair was seen as part of this civilizing mission. Here the visitor could see displays of gold ware and coins, cut-away exhibits of deep-level mining operations, model ships carrying gold bullion abroad, and photographs through an epidiascope, portraying the concern of the mines for the welfare of its workers.

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Journal of Social Psychology, , Burma, John. What is African pre- history? Our studies begin with the era called "prehistoric," meaning before the era known as "historic" meaning written records.

It is an important era. Mostly because it includes the very great majority of the total time on earth that humankind has spent developing basic human abilities and culture.

Agorsah ". The traditional "Stone Age" name comes from the stone tools. For the history of the continents, see History of the Americas.

The United States ranges from the Atlantic Ocean on the nation's east coast to the Pacific Ocean bordering the west, and also includes the state of Hawaii, a series of islands located.

It is in a unique market and Intel has developed an advertising campaign to help it flourish and dominate all competitors.

Intel did not reach success over night. This paper will explore how the company developed, what they did to market the product, and the spoils of having a highly successful marketing plan coupled with a product of extremely high value.

Robert Noyce and Gordon. People put their trust into Wendys every time that they eat there. Infact Wendys is the only fast food place that offers the Frosty Wendys.

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Sally D’Angelo
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